Thursday, February 24, 2005
It Just Doesn't Stop With These Guys
Wednesday, February 23, 2005
Look At the Numbers
Tuesday, February 22, 2005
The FCC Can't Rule the World (or Take Your Broadcast Flag and Shove It)
Friday, February 18, 2005
Realpolitik Hypocrisy?
The response, I think, needs to address a number of points. First, is that criticism of the realpolitik approach that led the U.S. to overthrow democracies and train death squads comes with limits. Critics, as far as I know, never advocated that the U.S. should invade any country that doesn't meet Western democratic standards. The criticism was, and remains, that we should not allow short-term political convenience to overshadow our commitment to freedom and democracy. This is generally not a belligerent, hawkish group of people. They have advocated working within the international diplomatic and economic framework to advance our ideals and values.
The Bush administration stands as guilty as any Cold War administration in this regard. We invaded Afghanistan, not to promote democracy, but to take out Al Qaeda, and Iraq to secure Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. Meanwhile the U.S. has deepened its ties with numerous anti-democratic human rights violators all across the Middle East and Central, South, and South-East Asia. Bush's inaugural address notwithstanding, there has been no great commitment to democratic ideals by this administration.
Kagan's apparent response is that even if liberals would not have advocated invasion, shouldn't they celebrate the advances of democracy there? But, while the liberals we're talking about are critics of realpolitik, I think they are not critics of political realism. They don't advocate abandoning empirical analysis, but rather a shift in priorities and methods in pursuing American foreign policy objectives. As such they are rightly worried about the course of events in Iraq.
It requires no prejudice to be concerned about what will happen when the Shiite controlled government takes power. From my perspective, it is not any peculiar qualities of Shiites that worries me, but rather that they suffer from all of the usual weaknesses and frailties common to mankind. The Baathist purges of Shiites aside, the Sunni militants have consistently targeted Shiites in violent attacks since the occupation started (here are . a couple just from the past week). They have declined to retaliate largely due to the calls for restraint from the Ayatollah al Sistani, the same man who has driven the timetables both for the hand-over of sovereignty and the recent elections. Are we to think they harbor no animosity towards Sunnis, no desire for vengeance? Are these angels in the form of men? Or have they been playing hard-ball, waiting (and pushing the process foward) for their demographic advantage to inevitably deliver the power of government to them. What happens when they gain control of the machinery of state? How will a Shiite-controlled military respond to Sunni attacks against Shiite targets? Will the response be measured, moderate, and proportional? And when the Shiite-controlled military crosses the line, how will the Sunni population in the country respond? The threat of all-out civil war is very real and frightening. What then for democracy in the Middle East?
Neither does one have to view the Shiites as Iranian stooges to be concerned about Iraq's relationship with Iran, now more so than ever. While I don't share the loathing of Iran held by many in this country, the newly announced alliance between Iran and Syria, following shortly after the election of a pro-Iran government in Iraq could drastically change the balance of power in the Middle East. If the new Iraqi government throws in their lot with Iran and Syria, Iran will have taken a major step up as a regional power and the U.S. will be left scrambling to try and pick up the pieces. Again, rejecting realpolitik does not mean rejecting political reality. And the political reality here is that the occupation of Iraq seems to be producing many undesirable results. There is little cause for rejoicing here, for liberals or anyone else.
Rumsfeld update: Yep, He's Still An Asshole
REYES: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, Mr. Secretary and General, thank you for being here with us this morning.
I have a question for each one of you, but the first one, Mr. Secretary, deals with what I think fits under the category of where the system does not work. And it concerns the U.S. pilots that filed a lawsuit -- as this was reported in the L.A. Times on the 15th of this month, where they filed a lawsuit against Iraq for compensation.
REYES: They won their case, were awarded and now the administration is taking a position that this should be dismissed.
The irony -- there are a couple of ironies. One of them is that some of these pilots were tortured in the same Abu Ghraib prison where prisoners were abused by our troops.
And the article quotes that, Mr. Secretary, you're in favor of awarding compensation to Iraqi prisoners who were abused by U.S. military at this prison and at the same time our own pilots that have won a court case are now being denied the same kind of compensation.
I was wondering, do you have any comment on that?
RUMSFELD: Congressman, I don't. It's a matter that the Department of Justice handles for the United States government, not something the Department of Defense does.
Wednesday, February 16, 2005
Doesn't Anyone in the Pentagon Watch Movies?
Military planners say robot soldiers will think, see and react increasingly like humans. In the beginning, they will be remote-controlled, looking and acting like lethal toy trucks. As the technology develops, they may take many shapes. And as their intelligence grows, so will their autonomy.
Despite the obstacles, Congress ordered in 2000 that a third of the ground vehicles and a third of deep-strike aircraft in the military must become robotic within a decade. If that mandate is to be met, the United States will spend many billions of dollars on military robots by 2010.
"The lawyers tell me there are no prohibitions against robots making life-or-death decisions," said Mr. Johnson, who leads robotics efforts at the Joint Forces Command research center in Suffolk, Va. "I have been asked what happens if the robot destroys a school bus rather than a tank parked nearby. We will not entrust a robot with that decision until we are confident they can make it."
"As machines become more intelligent, people will let machines make more of their decisions for them," Mr. Joy wrote recently in Wired magazine. "Eventually a stage may be reached at which the decisions necessary to keep the system running will be so complex that human beings will be incapable of making them intelligently. At that stage, the machines will be in effective control."
Seriously, what could go wrong?
Sunday, February 13, 2005
Wednesday, February 09, 2005
Stranger Than Fiction
a) Gannon (likely an alias for Jim Guckert) has been acting as a reporter in the Washington press corp for the past 6 months or so, and as far as I can tell nobody had ever heard of him before that,
b) Gannon was a reporter in the employ of Talon News, a right-wing activist quasi-news organization and is essentially a political operative,
c) Gannon is well connected to the administration and gets preferential treatment at White House press conferences, which he uses to serve up cheesy softball questions (such as the 'how will you work with people who are divorced from reality' question at Bush's recent press conference),
d) Gannon was subpoenaed in connection with the Valerie Plame case, and the Kossacks believe that he was used by the White House as part of their misdirection damage control operations after Novak's famous column,
e) Gannon is somehow connected with a number of gay military escort sites (because this story just needed more absurdity).
f) as of today, Jeff Gannon has quit his job and will "return to the private life".
That's some wierd shit...
Torture Just Ain't What It Used To Be
Partisanship at its Worst
Social Security is not in a good state. There really should not be a great dispute about this. It is not an urgent crisis, but neither is everything fine and dandy. The real onset of problems is still years away, but this would be a great time where we could make relatively painless adjustments to get things back on a sound footing before things get too far out of whack. Unfortunately the Bush proposal for private accounts, while interesting, does not really appear to address the real problems. The issue of whether this system should be a pay as you go social welfare program or a government-supported private investment program is a good philosophical question. But for now the immediate problem is that future outlays exceed income. The basic issue is whether we will reduce benefits or increase revenues or some combination of the two. Meanwhile, Democrats, who until recently were willing to discuss and consider this issue, are now locked into deep denial that there is a problem at all. This is a silly tactic when there is, and for some time has been, a powerful public perception that there is a real Social Security problem. At this stage in the game, denial comes off as disingenuous and out of touch. And while both sides are brawling over this on the public stage, nobody is talking about the much larger problem that looms in Medicare.
Then comes the budget proposal which takes the shocking step of reducing 1% of a third of federal spending. We're running record deficits here, such a minor reduction in spending should not be a big deal. Unfortunately these cuts have been precision targeted to produce peak outrage among Democrats. I read somewhere that last year's budget proposed cutting 65 programs, only 5 which actually ended up being cut. Both sides understand how this game is played. The administration wants to come out and say they tried to cut spending, but were obstructed by congress. Congress wants to say that Bush tried to kill all their state's pet programs, but they valiantly save them from the axe.
The disheartening thing is that our long-term budget outlook (including the Social Security and Medicare impacts on the same) is a critical problem, one that I think should be the top priority for the federal government. It's sad to see so much effort spent by politicians, the press, and the public fighting over these issues when it all amounts to sound and fury, accomplishing nothing. And when everyone is exhausted from the fight, these issues will be returned, unresolved, to the back burner to simmer away until they explode into an all-out crisis that will threaten to crash the dollar and destroy the U.S. economy.
The Rummy Returns
Journalist: The budget suggests that -- the budget shows that Army spending is going down by $300 million in fiscal --
Rumsfeld: Which, as you know, is not the case.
Journalist: Well, that's what I see.
Rumsfeld: Yeah, I should have mentioned that.... The only way you can look at this budget is to look at the supplementals with it, and it would be a misunderstanding of the situation to come to the conclusion that you pretended you had come to. But of course you did not, being as knowledgeable as you are.
Journalist: Well, are you hiding -- are you -- are they, in fact, hiding noncombat costs in the supplemental --
Rumsfeld: No, of course not.
Journalist: -- by accelerating here?
Rumsfeld: No, that would be wrong -- (laughter) -- and we wouldn't do that.
Tuesday, February 08, 2005
Monday, February 07, 2005
David Kay: Here We Go Again
Looking At the Long-Term
Wednesday, February 02, 2005
Re: What Next for Guantanamo
Blogs and Journalism
Tuesday, February 01, 2005
What Next for Guantanamo?
Monday, January 31, 2005
For All You Pirates Out There -- Argh, Matey!
I am happy to learn the television industry is taking this threat seriously and considering proposals that would make television-viewing more flexible:
Mr. Poltrack of CBS said that according to his network's research, a large number of viewers would welcome the chance to pay $1 to watch each television show, if they could do it on their own schedule and with the ability to skip commercials. With commercials, they'd be willing to pay 50 cents. And because the average viewer sees only half of a show's episodes, he said, this on-demand viewing won't hurt the regular showing.In my view, the faster the media companies bring ideas like this to the market, the better. They could even take advantage of BitTorrent's filesharing principles and reduce the cost for providing online content. I hope they avoid the pitfalls that snagged the music industry, like placing too many restrictions on use and attempting subscriber fees.
Back to the Drawing Board
Feingold For President
We Are teh Bomb Yo!
Update: another new feature: if you view the blog while logged in to blogger there should be a little pencil icon after the by-line of your posts which will allow you to instant edit it. All these cool things you find when poking around the blogger site..
Arab Press Growing Teeth
Saturday, January 29, 2005
Important Research
Site Update
Thursday, January 27, 2005
Close Encounters With the Bush Administration
Wednesday, January 26, 2005
Liberals for Scalia?
Tuesday, January 25, 2005
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POW's
Monday, January 24, 2005
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POW's
On the issue of official capacity: I had read that as plain English, not realizing it was a term of art. Having read up on the jargon, it still seems difficult to defend. I can't see how these 42 U.S.C. § 1983 distinctions could be sensibly applied to this situation. Are we now charging foreign officials for being unfaithful the U.S. Constitution? Surely the court does not literally intend to enforce § 1983 against foreign officials, but rather to apply the general distinction of official/personal capacity. The cases referenced in Ky v. Graham to illustrate the meaning of official capacity as opposed to personal capacity discuss the distinction in terms of abuse of official powers. The intention is to prevent immunity from applying when an official does not apply the powers of his office in good faith. The point of the Flatow Amendment is to create liability against agents of states whose official policy is terrorism. An official who promotes terrorism within the scope of his office in a state whose policy is the promotion of terrorism is not necessarily (or likely) abusing his office; it is the office itself which is abusive. To limit liability under such a statute to agents who were carrying out terrorist acts in a manner that abused their office would be, sorry to use this word, incoherent. It's a Catch 22. Either the state does not support terrorism, or the official is not abusing his powers, either way you're screwed.
And really there's no reason to read the statute this way. Rather than deciding first that Flatow does not offer a cause of action against foreign states, then reasoning backwards from there to reinterpret Flatow in a way that would neuter it almost entirely, why not read it in a plain-meaning fashion, and infer whether or not a cause of action is offered against foreign states? It seems necessary for Flatow to serve any purpose that it create a valid cause of action against a foreign officer who, acting in good faith with respect to his office, took some action to promote terrorism against American citizens. If this is true, then based on reasoning offered by the United States and accepted by the court in Cicipio that an action against an official acting in their official capacity is equivalent to an action against the entity, we can infer that there is a valid cause of action against a foreign state.
Additionally, I am not ready to dismiss the intent of Congress so quickly either. The issue is not that these cases occurred and Congress stood by and did nothing. Theses cases occurred, and Congress, recognizing that barriers still prevented the plaintiffs in them from recovering damages against the foreign state defendants, passed new legislation to facilitate that recovery. Get a look at this congressional research report detailing Congress' efforts through the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 to force the United States to pay up on a number of cases against foreign governments (including Cicipio!) out of funds that the U.S. had frozen from those countries. Flatow provided the cause of action for all these cases (in fact, the document remarks of Flatow: "Later in 1996 Congress enacted a counterpart statute giving injured parties or their legal representatives a cause of action for suits against terrorist states"). In the face of this legislation, I don't see how you could possibly argue that Congress did not intend Flatow to provide a cause of action against state sponsors of terrorism.
So anyway, I am still rather of the opinion that Cicipio (and thereby Acree) was botched.
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POWs
The D.C. Circuit has already considered, in Acree, the Government's argument that the Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act removes Iraq from the reach of FSIA's terrorism exception, and it concluded, "While it is a close question, we agree with appellees that 28 U.S.C. § 1605(a)(7) is not a provision of law that falls within the scope of" that Act. 370 F.3d at 48. I'm sure that will not be the last we hear of that argument, but at least it's resolved in the D.C. Circuit. As Professor Moore observes in his petition for certiorari (available on Westlaw), it is unlikely there will be much action on these issues in other circuits because the venue provision of the FSIA favors the District of Columbia. See 28 U.S.C. § 1391(f).
I agree there are parts of Cicippio with strained reasoning (and I submit the same goes for Acree), though I disagree the opinion is "incoherent." That is a pejorative I prefer to save for the most appalling opinions (like the remedial majority's Booker opinion). And although the text of 28 U.S.C. § 1606 resolves the matter for me, it is certainly not conclusive on the issue of congressional intent. For instance, one could make a strong argument that the familiar doctrine of expressio unius est exclusio alterius (the expression of one thing implies the exclusion of another) applies--it seems at least plausible from the fact that the Flatow Amendment made officials, employees, and agents of foreign states liable that the Congress purposefully omitted a foreign state from the list.
As for your resort to legislative history, I note that beside its inherently dubious value, the portion you quote suggests to me not that the Congress intended to create a cause of action against a foreign state, as you suggest, but that it wanted to be sure someone with a viable claim against a foreign state could bring that claim in federal court, notwithstanding foreign sovereign immunity. Now, I humbly admit my skills of research into legislative history are not well-honed, and please correct me if I am wrong, but it appears you are citing a report that has nothing to do with the Flatow Amendment. Rather, you cite a portion of a House Conference report addressing the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), Pub. L. 104-132 (1996). The section from which you quote, section 221, is entitled "jurisdiction for lawsuits against foreign states"; in that section the Congress added the exception to immunity now found at 28 U.S.C. § 1605(a)(7). See H.R. Conf. Rep. 104-518 (Apr. 15, 1996).
~> Read More!
The Congress enacted the Flatow Amendment in title V, section 589, as part of the omnibus appropriations bill for fiscal year 1997, Pub. L. 104-208 (1996). For what little it's worth, the Committee report to that bill may be found at H.R. Conf. Rep. 104-863 (Sept. 28, 1996). The only portion I found addressing the liability provision states as follows:
The conference agreement inserts language expanding the scope of monetary damage awards available to American victims of international terrorism. The conferees intend that this section shall apply to cases pending upon enactment of this Act.Not very helpful, in my opinion.
You suggest that something can be gleaned from the fact that the Congress has failed to act despite that numerous cases have been successfully brought against foreign state defendants. I disagree. I hesitate to point out the obvious--the Congress fails to act more often than it actually does something, and in any event acquiescence of a later Congress is not a reliable indicator of the intent of an earlier one. Further, neither the D.C. Circuit nor any other circuit to my knowledge has affirmed an order holding a foreign state liable under the Flatow Amendment. And, contrary to popular opinion, district courts do not create precedent.
Finally, it is perfectly logical that the Congress intended to impose personal liability on an official, employee, or agent acting in his official capacity, for that is the same scheme the Congress established under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. That section makes an individual liable in his individual capacity for damages resulting from an action he takes under color of state law that deprives a citizen of a constitutional right. See Kentucky v. Graham, 473 U.S. 159, 165-66 (1985). Section 1983 suits for damages may be brought directly against a municipality, but not against a State unless it has waived its sovereign immunity. To be sure, bringing § 1983 into the picture actually supports the ultimate conclusion that the Flatow Amendment creates liability of foreign states, because the exceptions to the FSIA remove the barrier of sovereign immunity. I cite that statute, however, to illustrate that it is not unprecedented to hold an individual personally liable for an official act.
Saving the Party from Howard Dean
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POWs
In any case, the Cicipio ruling seems fairly incoherent. The section you quote ("the foreign state shall be liable in the same manner and to the same extent...") provides ample opportunity for a textualist interpretation of the statute to allow for an action against a state. Moreover, the intent of Congress does not seem terribly difficult to ascertain. The Flatow Amendment was titled the Civil Liabilities for Acts of State Sponsored Terrorism Act, and the relevant Congressional committee report reads:
"This subtitle provides that nations designated as state sponsors of terrorism under section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 will be amenable to suit in U.S. courts for terrorist acts. It permits U.S. federal courts to hear claims seeking money damages for personal injury or death against such nations".
104 H. Rpt. 518
Additionally, numerous cases have already occurred where foreign states have been sued under the act, and not only has Congress not acted to stop this from occurring, they have endeavored through legislation to help the plaintiffs recover from the foreign state defendants.
Finally, the court's interpretation that "the cause of action is limited to claims against those officials in their individual, as opposed to their official, capacities" is awfully difficult to reconcile with the language of the statute which states that an "official ... of a foreign state ... while acting within the scope of his or her office ... shall be liable".
I think it's interesting that they could make a separation of power issue out of this, but don't. Moreover, if they had just made the ruling to allow the Feds to intervene and remanded it, it probably would have become a separation of powers issue. It just seems odd that they fixated on this issue, which doesn't appear to have a lot of support.
I wonder if Dave has something to say on all this...?
Not a Prelude?
Sunday, January 23, 2005
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POWs
In Acree v. Republic of Iraq, 370 F.3d 41 (D.C. Cir. 2004), American plaintiffs brought an action against a foreign state, one of its agencies, and a foreign official in his official (rather than personal) capacity. The D.C. Circuit agreed with the district court that it had jurisdiction over the case, id. at 58, but disagreed that the plaintiffs stated a cause of action for which relief could be granted. The court ruled that the plaintiffs failed to identify a federal law the defendants allegedly broke. Id. at 59-60. Contrary to your suggestion, Joe, the source of law could not have been state common law because, as discussed above, the State does not have authority to regulate the conduct of foreign states. And "generic common law cannot be the source of a federal cause of action. ... Rather, as in any case, a plaintiff proceeding under the [Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act] must identify a particular cause of action arising out of a specific source of law." Id. at 59.
The district court ruled that the Flatow Amendment provided the cause of action. Codified as a note to 28 U.S.C. § 1605, the Flatow Amendment provides in relevant part:
An official, employee, or agent of a foreign state designated as a state sponsor of terrorism ... while acting within the scope of his or her office, employment, or agency shall be liable to a United States national ... for personal injury or death caused by acts of that official, employee, or agent.In Cicippio-Puleo v. Islamic Republic of Iran, 353 F.3d 1024, 1033 (2004), the D.C. Circuit ruled that "the Flatow Amendment only provides a private right of action against officials, employees, and agents of a foreign state, not against the state itself." Further, an action under the Flatow Amendment must be against an official, employee, or agent in his individual (or personal) capacity, because official-capacity suits are, in substance, "a claim against the government itself." Id. at 1034.
If there is a flaw in reasoning anywhere, it must be in the Cicippio-Puleo decision. It is entirely reasonable to believe the Congress intended to hold foreign states liable for acts of torture. Consider the following portion of 28 U.S.C. § 1606, a provision of the FSIA the court neglects to mention in Cicippio-Puleo:
As to any claim for relief with respect to which a foreign state is not entitled to immunity unde section 1605 or 1607 of this chapter, the foreign state shall be liable in the same manner and to the same extent as a private individual under like circumstances.The other appellate courts and the Supreme Court may disagree with the D.C. Circuit's conclusion that the Flatow Amendment does not provide a cause of action against foreign states, but until that happens there appears to be no other basis under which a citizen plaintiff may sue a foreign state for acts of torture.
In sum, a plaintiff suing a foreign state must allege a federal claim because the authority of the State does not reach that far into foreign affairs. One might suggest that is a subject matter limitation, though I believe it would be more accurate to characterize the limitation as one of federalism. There is no "generic federal common law" as such, so a plaintiff must identify some particular act of Congress or a provision of the Constitution that prohibits the alleged conduct and that provides the plaintiff the right to recover in federal court. After Cicippio-Puleo, it seems unlikely that a plaintiff can use the Flatow Amendment as the basis for liability against a foreign state.
Hope that clarifies things. I look forward to reading your response.
Saturday, January 22, 2005
China News
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POW's
re: METAL!!!!
Re: When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POW's
A Small Step In the Right Direction
Friday, January 21, 2005
When the US Government Backs Iraqi Torturers of American POW's
Leadership By Default
On the other hand, for the court to take a hands-off approach as Bork and Rivkin suggest would be even more absurd. The problem here is that Congress apparently doesn't give a crap about the War on Terror, and if the executive has an actual plan, they refuse to say a word as to what they are doing or why. The courts shouldn't be in a leadership position on this, but they have no choice. Nobody else will do it.
If the Administration would explain what exactly it is they're doing, their rationale, what sort of limits they place on themselves, and how they're enforcing those limits, then the courts would have a sound basis to grant them broad discretion. However, we have none of that, and instead have Abu Ghraib, a proposal for a jurisdiction-free-zone in Cuba, documents suggesting that the Geneva Conventions are quaint and torture is ok. How could the courts not intervene?
Bork and Rivkin attempt to write off these various indiscretions as abuses that "inevitably occur in war". I don't buy it. This morning I attended a presentation by reporter Donovan Webster, who recently wrote an article for Vanity Fair called "The Man In the Hood" (the article is not online, but there's a brief summary here, and an Aljazeera article about it here). Webster visited Iraq twice last fall and conducted 60 hours of interviews with former Iraqi detainees, visited detention sites, and spoke with the military personnel there. Webster contends (fairly convincingly) that the abuses famously exposed at Abu Ghraib were widespread, and continue to this day, and that no serious changes resulted from the initial round of publicity. This is an administration in desperate need of adult supervision, and it would be a horrific abdication for the courts to back down.
Re: Something to Blog
2. It would be difficult to say how many times a person might be awoken (less than five events per hour is normal), but there are reported instances where a person suffered hundreds of sleep apnea events in one night. It seems the duration of the apnea is equally or more threatening than the frequency.
Thursday, January 20, 2005
The Boys Weekend Journal
2. How many times a night might a person suffering from sleep apnea be forced awake to resume breathing?
Just feel like blogging something.
Wednesday, January 19, 2005
What A Keen Insight That Man Has
Q: Why do you think bin Laden has not been caught?
President Bush: Because he's hiding.
Monday, January 17, 2005
DOD Gets Defensive
Expanded Role of Military in Covert Operations, On To Iran
Of the New Yorker article written by the same journalist who broke the Abu Graib story, White House Communications Director Dan Bartlett said, "I think it's riddled with inaccuracies, and I don't believe that some of the conclusions he's drawing are based on fact."
Sunday, January 16, 2005
Reelection equals full approval on Iraq?
Friday, January 14, 2005
Bush: 'Bring It On' Not the Best Idea
Tuesday, January 11, 2005
Bring On the Death Squads
Thursday, January 06, 2005
Fare Thee Well, Crossfire
Sunday, January 02, 2005
Delaying the Elections
Tuesday, December 28, 2004
Tsunami
Also, if anyone out there is interested in donating to relief agencies involved with this crisis, CSM has a nice listing here.
Saturday, December 11, 2004
Blog-o-riffic!
Re: You Spent $10b for What?!
You Spent $10b for What?!
Monday, December 06, 2004
When the Truth Just Isn't Good Enough
Saturday, December 04, 2004
Teaching Family Values
Another offers a fable of a pushy princess who's dumped for a village maiden: "Moral of the story: Occasional suggestions and assistance may be alright, but too much of it will lessen a man's confidence or even turn him away from his princess."
...now get back in that kitchen and bake me a pie!
Monday, November 29, 2004
Sweet Logic and Reason!
"To succeed, we must understand the United States is engaged in a generational and global struggle about ideas, not a war between the West and Islam. It is more than a war against the tactic of terrorism. We must think in terms of global networks, both government and non-government. If we continue to concentrate primarily on states (...), we will fail."
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"Policies, diplomacy, military operations, and strategic communication should not be managed separately. Good strategic communication cannot build support for policies viewed unfavorably by large populations. Nor can the most carefully crafted messages, themes, and words persuade when the messenger lacks credibility and underlying message authority."
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"A year and a half after going to war in Iraq, Arab/Muslim anger has intensified. Data from Zogby International in July 2004, for example, show that the U.S. is viewed unfavorably by overwhelming majorities in Egypt (98 percent), Saudi Arabia (94 percent), Morocco (88 percent), and Jordan (78 percent). The war has increased mistrust of America in Europe, weakened support for the war on terrorism, and undermined U.S. credibility worldwide. ... Negative attitudes and the conditions that create them are the underlying sources of threats to America’s national security and reduced ability to leverage diplomatic
opportunities."
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"There is consensus in these reports that U.S. public diplomacy is in crisis. Missing are strong leadership, strategic direction, adequate coordination, sufficient resources, and a culture of measurement and evaluation. ... The number and depth of these reports indicate widespread concern among influential observers that something must be done about public diplomacy. But so far these concerns have produced no real change. The White House has paid little attention. Congressional actions have been limited to informational hearings and funding for Middle East broadcasting initiatives, Radio Sawa and Al Hurra.
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"Frames simplify and help to communicate complex events. But like the Cold War frame, the terrorism frame marginalizes other significant issues and problems... Often the terrorism frame directs attention to tactics not strategy. The focus is more on capturing and killing terrorists than attitudinal, political, and economic forces that are the underlying source of threats and opportunities in national security.
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"Information saturation means attention, not information, becomes a scarce resource. Power flows to credible messengers. Asymmetrical credibility matters. What's around information is critical. Reputations count. Brands are important. Editors, filters, and cue givers are influential. Fifty years ago political struggles were about the ability to control and transmit scarce information. Today, political struggles are about the creation and destruction of credibility."
WOW.
Update: Holy crap, IT GETS BETTER. I'm reading Chapter 2 - The New Strategic Environment, and my jaw is on the floor. Great Scott, man, who wrote this thing?!!
Sunday, November 28, 2004
More Questions on the Dollar Decline
- Stroupe asserts that the Fed is printing $1.5 trillion per year. This seems like an absurd amount of money. Is it true? How much does this vary from traditional levels?
- Stroupe adds $44 trillion in obligations to Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and other government spending to the existing $7 trillion national debt to come up with a "total national debt" of $51 trillion. He cites this number to Fortune magazine. I posted a story here some time back about a treasury department study (initiated by Paul O'Neill, before he got the boot) which found that the US had $44 trillion in unfunded obligations over the next four decades or so, which is probably where the $44 trillion comes from. This is a frightening number, but it strikes me as unfair to count long term obligations directly as existing debt.
- The article states that including off-budget items the current federal deficit is nearly $1 trillion per year. That sounds high to me. My impression has been that this number would be somewhere in the $500-700 billion area.
- Mentions heavy investment ($180 trillion) in derivatives as unstable investments. I have no idea what he's talking about here, but I'd like to find out.
- The article states that US consumer debt is $8 trillion. I was searching for this number myself a couple weeks back, without success. I'm curious where he got it.. Also what is the level of US commercial and business debt?
- Then there's the quote from Stephen Roach stating that the US currently has $38 trillion in debts. What exactly is being counted in this number?
- The article states that Warren Buffet has mostly pulled out of the US stock market. I know that he published an article a couple years back explaining, in great depth, why he was for the first time investing outside the US, citing many of these concerns about debt and the trade deficit. But has he really pulled out all of his US investments?
- One of the best parts of the article was the discussion of Russian economic policy. Here he talks about the possibility (which has been discussed here before) that the global oil market may shift from dollars to euros, with disatrous effects on the value of the dollar. Stroupe makes assertions about statements by Vladimir Putin hinting that this change is imminent. I should certainly like to see those statements. He also asserts that Russia has substantially shifted their currency reserves out of dollars. It would also be nice to verify that..
Anyway.. there are some very powerful numbers and assertions here, and if this guy is not a complete nut (which it's quite possible he is), disaster may be nearer than I expected.. There are also numbers published in another Asia Times story showing US personal savings as a percentage of income dropping over 15 years from about 7% to 0.2% (again without any cited source). Consumer spending may have kept our economy afloat so far, but that ride looks to be nearing its limit. We live in interesting times...
Update: I went hunting for more info on Stephen Roach's $38 trillion figure, and while I didn't find it, I did find an insightful recent column by Roach analyzing the economic prospects for the Bush administration's second term.
Wednesday, November 24, 2004
The Body Politic Has Got A Cancer
"The body politic has got a cancer of money. I ran in 1998, and I raised $8.5 million. That's about $30,000 a week, each week, every week, for six years. If I missed Christmas and New Year's weeks, I'm $100,000 in the hole. So the race begins the next day [after your election]. We're collecting for six years out. That means we don't work on Monday. We don't work on Friday. I've got to get money, money, money, money. And I only listen to the people who give me money. With the shortage of time and everything else, you've got to listen to the $1,000 givers. I mean, no individual is corrupt, but the body has been corrupted."
"...Money, money. That's got to be excised. I don't have any time for the people. I don't have any time for the Senators. I just got time for money. Hurry up and get the money so I can get on that TV to get re-elected."
And we wonder why they vote on bills without taking the time to read them...
Re: Spending Addicts
The notion that Democrats are the tax-and-spend party should be laid to rest--unless one is making the point that when Democrats spend, at least they have the courtesy of taxing to pay for it.
Michael Kinsey of the Washington Post crunched some numbers a few months back to explode the myth that Democrats are the bigger spending party.
I also came across this graph showing the national debt across presidential terms. I have no idea whether the data is reliable.
Glad to see a post from you, Ryan!
Tuesday, November 23, 2004
Iranians: Evil, or Smart?
Monday, November 22, 2004
With Arafat Gone, Hamas Ready To Go Political
re: Spending Addicts
Sunday, November 21, 2004
Bad Advice
Election Over, We Can Stop Pretending...
Saturday, November 20, 2004
About Scott Castle
Friday, November 19, 2004
Spending addicts
Apparently all of this extra spending is necessary to secure the American people in the war against terrorism. It looks like economic security has been left out of the equation.
Thursday, November 18, 2004
The Insurgent and the Aid Worker
These are good points. And yet I can't help but feel that something is lost in this discussion. The arguments advanced by Carter and West feel very familiar from the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Palestinians go out and intentionally kill score of civilians. The Israeli military is only trying to engage militants, and if a few civilians are collaterally killed, well they tried their best to avoid it. But at the end of the day, everybody is just as dead as everybody else. And at the end of the day there are more than twice as many dead Palestinians (approximately half of them noncombatants) as there are Israelis, and orders of magnitude more dead Iraqis than Westerners. When some Israeli kid shoots somebody in self defense who turns out to be a noncombatant, surely his action is more morally defensible than the action of a Palestinian suicide bomber. But who sent a scared 18 year-old into a Palestinian neighborhood armed with the most powerful weaponry money can buy? Can Westerners disavow the impact of widespread slaughter of civilians with the defense that our military personnel try to conduct themselves honorably? Is there no moral culpability for manufacturing a situation where it is highly probable that innocent civilians will be gunned down? And isn't it a bit trite to hold comparisons of the honorable conduct of the world's mightiest military against the conduct of desperate rag-tag insurgents? Honor is a luxury afforded by superior firepower. Did we expect them to line up in formation like a Napoleonic army so that we can massacre them with a single daisy cutter? Of course they use stealth and blend in the population. Of course they like to attack soft targets. How could we have expected otherwise?
None of this is to attempt to draw a conclusion that the Iraqi insurgents are morally equivalent to the U.S. occupiers, or even to the Palestinian militants for that matter. Clearly no good would come of the Iraqi insurgents prevailing against the occupation. The U.S., however ham-handed the effort has been, is really trying to create a functional democracy and improve the lot of Iraqis. Ultimately (not passing judgment on the decision to invade in the first place), the U.S. has the right of this conflict. But that's not my point. The point is that it is foolish to view this conflict and actors in the conflict by falling back on these notions of honorable conduct to justify and defend U.S. actions and to prove our moral superiority. These terms miss the point of what is happening on the ground and wall-paper over decisions which predictably lead to the deaths of many innocent civilians. And it causes us to see events in a distinctly different light than they are seen by Iraqis and other arabs. They are painfully aware of what we are not: that we made the choice to put thousands of scared soldiers with itchy trigger fingers into the places where they live, where they work, where their children go to school. Until we can see things from this perspective we will be forever perplexed by how our actions are being interpreted by the Iraqi public.
This perspective sheer hurts us by leaving the U.S. unable to effectively communicate a meaningful response to Iraqis when an event occurs like the killing in Fallujah. The arguments advanced by West and Carter probably resonate strongly with Americans, but, I think, much less so with Iraqis. What they want to hear is that we understand what a burden it is for them to have all these troops wandering around blowing things up, the checkpoints, the nighttime raids, the airstrikes, the mass detentions. They want to know that we feel their pain and are doing everything in our power to put an end to the chaos, give them a functional country, and get the hell out. The point is not that the marine was probably justified in shooting the insurgent, the point is that it's regrettable that the marine had to be there in the first place.
Wednesday, November 17, 2004
Democrats Learning Yet? Of Course Not...
Tuesday, November 16, 2004
November 2004, Quote of the Month
"Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want and deserve to get it good and hard."
--H.L. Menken
Just What We Needed
The Man of the Hour
Monday, November 15, 2004
Had Enough
Friday, November 12, 2004
Tuesday, November 09, 2004
My Job Here Is Done
Re: Securing Their Gains
I agree that health care reform presents one of the biggest challenges this country faces on the domestic front, and if Republicans are perceived as making strides that will help in the mid-terms. But health savings accounts alone will accomplish squat. Those who can already afford decent health coverage have the funds to take advantage of such a program, while the rest will be left to fight over the HMO scraps. Only a fundamental restructuring of America's health industry will cause real change -- and that just won't happen under Republican leadership (especially with Frist running things at the Senate).
In my view, the lasting Republican control depends more upon what happens outside the Republican party. The Democrats is adrift so I don't expect much from them until they can straighten up their act. The biggest immediate challenge comes from the growing discontent among fiscal conservatives that may lead to a formation of a viable independent or libertarian candidate in '08.
Some are waiting to see whether President Bush tries to reach out to the moderates to secure a lasting Republican legacy. I predict the only "reaching out" will be with fear -- fear of terrorists and fear of those who are different from the "mainstream" America. That agenda will succeed or fail depending on whether any other party presents a better message. A message of hope rather than despair.
Securing Their Gains
Let the Good Times Roll
Wednesday, November 03, 2004
Monday, November 01, 2004
Experts to Investors: Dump Your Dollars
Saturday, October 30, 2004
bin Laden: Honestly, We Don't Really Hate Freedom
Friday, October 29, 2004
Dropping A Bomb
Wednesday, October 27, 2004
The Russians Took 'Em!
Larry Di Rita, the official Pentagon spokesperson, was none too pleased. “I am unaware of any particular information on that point.... I would be careful about information that has been asserted because I don't know how accurate it might be.”
Good advice, Larry. I have known for some time not to trust anything coming from the Pentagon -- or the Bush administration generally. But it always helps when people get the word out.
Did Anyone Think of Asking the Iraqis What Happened to the Explosives?
"The officials that were inside this facility [Al-Qaqaa] beforehand confirm that not even a shred of paper left it before the fall and I spoke to them about it and they even issued certified statements to this effect which the US-led coalition was aware of."
Just to be sure you caught that, "which the US-led coalition was aware of."
Now, I don't know whether this guy is a crook or what, but don't you think other outlets should share what the Iraqi government has to say?
(Thanks again for the great coverage, Josh Marshall)
Tuesday, October 26, 2004
101st Airborne Commander Confirms They Did Not Search Al-Qaqaa
"We happened to stumble on it," he said. "I didn't know what the place was supposed to be. We did not get involved in any of the bunkers. It was not our mission. It was not our focus. We were just stopping there on our way to Baghdad. The plan was to leave that very same day. The plan was not to go in there and start searching. It looked like all the other ammunition supply points we had seen already."
* * *
"I had given instructions, 'Don't mess around with those. It looks like they are bunkers; we're not messing around with those things. That's not what were here for,' " he said. "I thought we would be there for a few hours and move on. We ended up staying overnight."
More on Cirincione in Salon
The administration knew it was there. Why didn't they do anything about it? It was arrogance. I think you have to say that this is not incompetence as much as it is arrogance. They simply did not believe that they were going to have an insurgent or terrorist problem after taking the country. Even when the insurgency began, apparently there was no effort to try to go back and secure these materials.
Later in the article, he identifies what to him is the question to ask from this:
A key question here is, Have U.S. officials known all along that these were the explosives that they were dealing with? People need to go back to Bush officials and start asking some hard questions about what kinds of explosives have been used.
Update on Al-Qaqaa Fiasco
First, MSNBC has this story explaining that at most, there is a three-week period where the explosives--all 770,000 pounds of them--could have been taken from the site. That story quotes one of NBC's journalists who was embedded with the 101st Airborne when they arrived at the site. Lai Ling Jew describes the scene and explains that “there wasn’t a search.... The mission that the brigade had was to get to Baghdad. That was more of a pit stop there for us."
Second, CSM provides this summary of various news coverage on the topic. In a Salon article that CSM references, Joseph Cirincione, director of the Non-Proliferation Project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is quoted as saying: "This is thousands and thousands of potential terrorist attacks.... It's like they knocked off the Fort Knox of explosives."
The media coverage is missing what I find to be the most important question here. If troops did search the Al-Qaqaa facility in Spring of 2003 and discovered that the explosives were gone, why did the US Government not report that to the IAEA? And how does that fit with the Bush Administration's position that the Pentagon did not learn of these missing explosives until after October 15, when the IAEA passed along the information it learned from the interim Iraqi government?
Of course, other questions remain unanswered too. For instance, what did the 3rd Infantry find when they got there on April 4th? According to this AP report, the troops found the explosives still under IAEA seal. And of course, where are the explosives now? Have they been used in the insurgency? And last, doesn't this demonstrate that there were not enough troops on the ground at the time of the invasion?
